The Destruction of NATSIC-TCS: Governance Warfare, Political Agendas, Racial Vilification, Harassment, and the Internal Collapse of an Indigenous Organisation

By Brian AJ Newman

Former Acting Chief Executive Officer

National Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Corporation – Transport and Community Services (NATSIC-TCS)

Important Clarification

Before addressing the matters contained within this article, one issue must be made absolutely clear.

The organisation discussed throughout this article — the National Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Corporation – Transport and Community Services (NATSIC-TCS) — must not be confused with the entirely separate organisation I presently operate:

National Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Advocacy Service (NATSIC-AS)

NATSIC-AS is:

• separately governed;

• separately administered;

• separately operated;

• and entirely unrelated to the former NATSIC-TCS organisation discussed throughout this article.

Any allegations, disputes, investigations, tribunal proceedings, media reports, police complaints, governance conflicts, or historical matters referred to below concern the former NATSIC-TCS organisation only.

Introduction

The public collapse of the National Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Corporation – Transport and Community Services (NATSIC-TCS) has frequently been reduced to simplistic headlines concerning:

• alleged expenditure irregularities;

• governance concerns;

• investigations into former CEO Jim Golden-Brown;

• and organisational collapse.

That narrative is incomplete.

From my firsthand experience as Acting Chief Executive Officer during one of the most volatile periods in the organisation’s history, I maintain that NATSIC-TCS ultimately became consumed by:

• internal factional warfare;

• governance manipulation;

• coordinated destabilisation;

• political opportunism;

• media leaks;

• reputational attacks;

• racial vilification;

• intimidation campaigns;

• harassment;

• and what I believe became deliberate efforts by certain individuals to seize influence and destroy anyone who opposed them.

This article is written from direct involvement inside the organisation itself.

The matters referred to throughout this article arise from:

• direct personal knowledge;

• internal correspondence;

• voicemail recordings;

• QHRC complaints;

• QCAT proceedings;

• police referrals;

• media reports;

• and documentary material already before authorities and tribunals.

These are matters I remain prepared to formally attest to if required.

What NATSIC-TCS Was Supposed To Be

NATSIC-TCS existed to provide:

• Indigenous transport services;

• disability support;

• community services;

• and practical assistance to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander communities throughout Australia.

The organisation received substantial public funding through:

• Commonwealth Indigenous programs;

• NDIS-related services;

• disability transport arrangements;

• and community support programs.

It serviced communities including:

• the Tiwi Islands;

• APY Lands;

• and remote Aboriginal regions throughout Australia.

The organisation existed to support vulnerable Indigenous communities.

The stakes were therefore enormous.

This was never merely a private organisational dispute.

This involved:

• taxpayer funds;

• Indigenous-controlled service delivery;

• vulnerable communities;

• Aboriginal employment;

• and the integrity of Indigenous governance structures.

The Public Crisis Begins

By 2021, serious allegations concerning expenditure and governance within NATSIC-TCS had become the subject of national media scrutiny.

News Corp journalist James Hall published detailed reporting concerning allegations involving:

• alcohol expenditure;

• luxury accommodation;

• travel;

• restaurants;

• conferences;

• and alleged misuse of organisational funds.

The article titled:

“Indigenous disability organisation CEO stands down pending investigation into how taxpayer funds used”

reported that:

• Jim Golden-Brown had been stood down;

• forensic investigations would occur;

• and I had been appointed Acting CEO.

The article quoted me stating:

“There has been no adverse finding established in relation to Mr Golden-Brown conduct as CEO at this point and there will be a strict adherence to procedural fairness under my administration as the acting CEO.”

That statement accurately reflected my position.

At that stage:

• allegations existed;

• concerns had been raised;

• but no final findings had yet been established.

I believed procedural fairness mattered.

I believed governance integrity mattered.

And I believed the organisation deserved an independent process rather than political opportunism and factional warfare.

Why I Appointed Christopher Watters KC

One of the most important decisions I made as Acting CEO was appointing respected Queensland barrister Christopher Watters KC to independently investigate allegations concerning:

• governance;

• expenditure;

• financial management;

• administration;

• and operational conduct inside NATSIC-TCS.

My instructions were clear:

• independently assess the allegations;

• review corporate records;

• examine expenditure;

• interview witnesses;

• provide procedural fairness;

• and make findings based solely upon evidence.

The purpose was simple:

to protect the integrity of the organisation.

Instead, what followed was escalating internal destabilisation.

The Internal Governance War

Very quickly, it became apparent to me that competing factions inside NATSIC-TCS were attempting to consolidate control over the organisation.

In my opinion, central figures included:

• Ian Mye;

• Luke Hegarty;

• Larry Corowa;

• Adam Corowa;

• and associated supporters and aligned individuals.

What should have been a legitimate governance process deteriorated into:

• internal intimidation;

• factional manoeuvring;

• political positioning;

• media leaks;

• reputational attacks;

• and pressure campaigns.

One of the most alarming incidents involved draft governance outcomes allegedly being circulated before meetings had even occurred.

I maintain that Luke Hegarty sent me draft board minutes before the relevant meeting had taken place and before my formal appointment.

Those documents allegedly foreshadowed:

• the removal of Jim Golden-Brown;

• governance restructuring;

• leadership changes;

• and the installation of a new operational power structure.

In my opinion, governance outcomes had effectively been predetermined before proper meetings even occurred.

The Documentary Evidence

Internal correspondence already contained within project materials demonstrates the degree of coordination occurring behind the scenes.

On 21 May 2021, Ian Mye wrote:

“This is what both Luke and I feared could happen before we even bothered to try rescuing NATSIC and the funding…”

In the same correspondence, Ian Mye further wrote:

“We need to invite Luke Hegarty into the meeting to discuss the earlier documentation sent to NATSIC or it’s all over.”

At the time, I responded:

“We need to slow down and get it right.”

I also stated:

“If it’s about appointing Luke ‘now’ I’m opposed until I have at least met with Luke independently and understand the potential benefits to National Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Corporation.”

Those exchanges demonstrate:

• coordinated efforts to influence governance outcomes;

• urgency to consolidate operational control;

• and pressure being applied before proper governance processes occurred.

The Luke Hegarty Software Dispute

One of the most serious internal disputes involved software systems and intellectual property associated with NATSIC-TCS.

I maintain that Luke Hegarty initially sought approximately:

$85,000

for the return of software and systems associated with the organisation, which Hegarty and Mye both told me Hegarty had stolen from the NATSIC-TCS server shortly before Hegarty was dismissed as General Manager by Jim Golden-Brown for misconduct.

I further maintain that this later evolved into a proposed arrangement worth approximately:

$120,000

That arrangement was structured through what was described as a consultancy agreement involving staged monthly instalments over six months.

I further maintain that Luke Hegarty’s brother — who represented himself to me as a lawyer — provided draft agreement documentation connected to the proposed arrangement.

In my opinion:

• the arrangement lacked transparency;

• raised serious governance concerns;

• and appeared designed to disguise the true purpose of the payments.

I refused to authorise the payments.

Following my refusal, hostility toward me intensified dramatically.

The Financial Position When I Was Removed

One critically important fact has been almost entirely ignored publicly.

On the day I was removed as Acting CEO, NATSIC-TCS held:

in excess of $1,000,000 cash

within ANZ accounts at the Coolangatta branch.

That fact fundamentally undermines simplistic narratives suggesting the organisation had already collapsed financially during my administration.

Despite the escalating chaos:

• operations were continuing;

• funding remained available;

• and active attempts were underway to stabilise governance.

Ian Mye and One Nation

Ian Mye’s political alignment with Pauline Hanson’s One Nation party is highly relevant contextual information.

Ian Mye later became the Pauline Hanson’s One Nation candidate for:

the federal seat of Richmond

during the 2025 Federal Election campaign.

That electorate covers:

• Tweed Heads;

• Coolangatta;

• and the Northern Rivers region.

In my opinion, the NATSIC-TCS conflict increasingly adopted:

• inflammatory rhetoric;

• aggressive public campaigning;

• factional hostility;

• and divisive political overtones.

Pauline Hanson later raised NATSIC-TCS matters in the Australian Senate, referring to:

“the theft of millions of dollars of taxpayers’ money.”

The Campaign Against Me

After refusing to cooperate with what I considered improper governance conduct, I became the subject of an escalating campaign of:

• harassment;

• intimidation;

• racial abuse;

• reputational attacks;

• social media targeting;

• and coordinated vilification.

In my opinion:

• Ian Mye;

• Luke Hegarty;

• and associated individuals

became central figures driving that campaign.

The “Fake Black Fella” Allegations

My Queensland Human Rights Commission complaint records that Ian Mye:

“posted numerous racially discriminatory posts on social media platform Facebook stating that I am a ‘fake black fella’ and then accused me of stealing.”

The complaint further records:

“22 May 2023 - I became aware of the racially motivated hate posts on Facebook…”

I also stated:

“The impact has been a significant one on my professional and personal character.”

And further:

“I have lost business because of it.”

The complaint specifically identified:

• race discrimination;

• racial vilification;

• and public humiliation.

The Voicemail Messages

The harassment later escalated into deeply offensive voicemail messages.

Material before QCAT records voicemail messages left by Ian Mye on my personal phone.

One voicemail stated:

“How’s it going, Brian? Trying to charge this fucking thieving out of cunts’ money, you fucking thieving fucking wannabe black cunt. You can fucking root yourself in the boot, mate. Because you’re going down big time. Fuck off, you maggot.”

Another voicemail stated:

“Things getting a bit hot for you, Brian, are they? You’re scam’s already up, mate. You’re not a mate. You’re a friggin’ scumbag.”

These messages were:

• vulgar;

• racially abusive;

• threatening;

• degrading;

• and, in my opinion, part of a sustained intimidation campaign.

The phrase:

“wannabe black cunt”

was explicitly racial in nature and directly targeted my Aboriginal identity.

Material filed by Ian Mye himself acknowledged:

“the language used in my voicemail messages was offensive and I apologised to the Tribunal for that language.”

My Complaints Against Ian Mye

It is important to clarify something that has at times been distorted publicly.

The allegations of:

• racial vilification;

• harassment;

• threats;

• intimidation;

• “doxing”;

• surveillance concerns;

• and victimisation

were complaints made by me against Ian Mye.

These were matters I formally raised through:

• the Queensland Human Rights Commission;

• police complaints;

• and tribunal proceedings.

I alleged:

• ongoing harassment;

• racial abuse;

• intimidation;

• threatening communications;

• and reputational targeting.

I also raised concerns regarding:

• surveillance;

• electronic interference;

• and victimisation.

These were not complaints made by Ian Mye against me.

They were complaints I made concerning Ian Mye’s conduct toward me.

Cell Track Messages, Electronic Harassment, and Police Referrals

In addition to voicemail recordings, I maintain that I received:

• hostile text communications;

• electronic harassment;

• and threatening communications connected to ongoing disputes surrounding NATSIC-TCS.

I further believe that Ian Mye and Luke Hegarty may have been involved in:

• unauthorised interference with my computers;

• interference with electronic communications;

• interference with social media accounts;

• and broader electronic harassment.

These matters have been referred to police and investigative authorities for assessment and investigation.

I make no concluded allegation of criminal guilt regarding those matters, as they remain matters for proper investigation.

However, I maintain that the suspicious timing and nature of various incidents caused grave concern and formed part of a broader pattern of intimidation directed toward me.

The Real Victims

The greatest tragedy is that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander communities ultimately suffered the consequences.

NATSIC-TCS existed to provide services to vulnerable Indigenous communities.

Instead, the organisation became consumed by:

• factional warfare;

• political agendas;

• intimidation;

• racism;

• harassment;

• governance conflict;

• and reputational destruction.

Communities lost services.

Staff lost employment.

Relationships collapsed.

Public confidence was destroyed.

Final Reflections

In my opinion, NATSIC-TCS did not collapse solely because of financial allegations.

It collapsed because:

• governance processes became manipulated;

• internal factions sought control;

• retaliation replaced transparency;

• politics overtook organisational purpose;

• and personal vendettas overwhelmed the organisation itself.

The evidence now exists:

• in tribunal proceedings;

• in QHRC complaints;

• in voicemail recordings;

• in internal correspondence;

• in police complaint material;

• and in documentary records already before authorities and tribunals.

That is the reality I witnessed firsthand.

And it is a reality I remain prepared to formally attest to.

I will not surrender to bullies, not ever.

Newman v Mye in QCAT regarding the first of three Queensland Hunan Rights Commission complaints will be heard 26 June 2026.

Ian Mye’s One Nation Candidate Page: https://www.onenation.org.au/truckie-candidate-ready

James Hall article: https://www.news.com.au/finance/business/other-industries/indigenous-disability-organisation-ceo-stands-down-pending-investigation-into-how-taxpayer-funds-used/news-story/994dc0268e0a591cb48c3a546f569020

Australian Financial Review Article: https://www.afr.com/politics/federal/jim-golden-brown-disappears-from-indigenous-charity-chairmanship-20230207-p5ciid

Pauline Hanson Senate: https://parlinfo.aph.gov.au/parlInfo/genpdf/chamber/hansards/27119/0075/hansard_frag.pdf;fileType=application%2Fpdf

Senate Hansard: https://parlinfo.aph.gov.au/parlInfo/download/chamber/hansards/27119/toc_pdf/Senate_2023_08_02_Official.pdf;fileType=application%2Fpdf